By Walter Garrison Runciman
The concluding quantity of W.G. Runciman's trilogy on social thought applies his idea and technique to the case of twentieth-century English society. He exhibits how England's capitalist mode of construction, liberal mode of persuasion, and democratic mode of coercion developed within the aftermath of worldwide warfare I from what that they had been because the Eighteen Eighties, but didn't evolve considerably following international battle II. His clarification demonstrates that a few financial, ideological and political practices have been preferred over others in an more and more advanced setting, neither predictable nor controllable through policymakers.
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Extra resources for A Treatise on Social Theory, Volume 3: Applied Social Theory
I am well aware of the risks in so doing. But a government census, an anthropological monograph, a sample survey, a contemporary diary, or an independently commissioned research report are not intrinsically more reliable3 than a (footnote continued from previous page) research, see Tooby and Cosmides (1992). Readers unfamiliar with the notion of cultural selection are recommended to start with Boyd and Richerson (1985). 3 Readers of volume I may recall that according to the 1951 census there were in the United Kingdom in that year 2 clergymen, 4 solicitors, 4 doctors, 1 accountant, 10 opticians, 23 chiropodists, and 34 qualified accountants all under sixteen years of age (Marsh 1958, p.
Indeed, it could hardly be questioned that it had been a remarkable history. Romanticized as it has been both by the nostalgic sociologists and historians of the Right for the better and by the utopian sociologists and historians of the Left for the worse, there cannot fail to be agreement among observers of all theoretical schools about the fact of Britain's brief era of global hegemony. Well before the end of the late-Victorian and Edwardian period, there was no lack of informed opinion to warn that this hegemony was under threat.
Is there not an enormous difference between the experience of a demobilized wage-earner who, after 1918, went through a short-lived boom and a wave of strikes only then to be faced with the prospect of a wage-cut or the loss of his job, and that of one who, after 1945, returned to a period of full employment and, despite a continuance of rationing and shortages, a much higher level of collective provision for his and his dependants' welfare than he would have thought possible a generation before?