Death at the Opposite Ends of Eurasian Continent: Mortality - download pdf or read online

By Theo Engelen, John R. Shephard, Yang Wen-shan

This quantity examines contrasting historic demographics in Western Europe and Asia, taking the Netherlands and Taiwan as consultant populations. either nations have witnessed regular, non-stop advancements in public overall healthiness, affliction prevention, and therapy. The participants examine the influence of disorder and mortality at the lives of people and households below very diverse cultural and social stipulations. demise on the contrary Ends of the Eurasian Continent analyzes various components, together with maternal and youngster mortality, in addition to the accuracy of Taiwan’s censuses and loss of life reporting.

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Extra info for Death at the Opposite Ends of Eurasian Continent: Mortality Trends in Taiwan and the Netherlands 1850-1945

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The infant death rates are computed following Barclay (1958:141,143, 287) by dividing the three year average of infant deaths by the average number of births for the corresponding period, rather than by using a midyear estimate of the infant population (five years in the case of the 1909-13 rates)(cf. Barclay 1958: 47). This ensures a continuity of presentation when infant mortality is analyzed separately by using the infant death rates. Infant death rates for ‘all causes’ are corrected for unregistered nonsurvivors for the years 1906-1915 following Barclay (1954: 159-60, see Shepherd 1998 for a fuller discussion of the method used to estimate the extent of underregistration).

2001), Imhoff (1990) and others have stressed that until the first decades of the twentieth century the ‘disease environment’ and economic circumstances varied enormously from place to place, from social class to social class, from men to women and from household to household. That could lead to large differences in the expectation of life at birth between regions, between the sexes, between social class and household categories, sometimes of the order of 10-15 years. A national value of the expectation of life is in such a situation not a measure that describes the experiences of the majority of the population but a statistical artifact.

Finally, the mortality pattern above age 80, which hardly contributed to the total difference in life expectancy till 1900, showed a continous increase in male excess mortality from the 1930s on, which accelerated from the mid-1970s on. During the most recent years, it almost contributed one year to the total difference in expectation of life at birth between males and females. A more nuanced picture might be given by measuring for each separate age the level of male excess mortality. Figure 10 shows for each age and time combination the ratio of female to male death probabilities.

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