By Nancy J. Hirschmann
In Gender, type, and Freedom in sleek Political idea, Nancy Hirschmann demonstrates now not in simple terms that smooth theories of freedom are vulnerable to gender and sophistication research yet that they need to be analyzed when it comes to gender and sophistication on the way to be understood in any respect. via rigorous shut readings of significant and minor works of Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Kant, and Mill, Hirschmann establishes and examines the gender and sophistication foundations of the fashionable knowing of freedom. development on a social constructivist version of freedom that she built in her award-winning e-book the topic of Liberty: towards a Feminist idea of Freedom, she makes in her new booklet one other unique and critical contribution to political and feminist thought. regardless of the prominence of "state of nature" rules in sleek political concept, Hirschmann argues, theories of freedom really enhance a social constructivist knowing of humanity. by way of rereading "human nature" in gentle of this perception, Hirschmann uncovers theories of freedom which are either extra traditionally exact and extra appropriate to modern politics. Pigeonholing canonical theorists as proponents of both "positive" or "negative" liberty is traditionally faulty, she demonstrates, simply because theorists installation either conceptions of freedom concurrently all through their paintings.
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Extra info for Gender, Class, and Freedom in Modern Political Theory
Sample text
Neither does the argument that freedom is gendered mean that freedom is straightforward, that women or men are either completely free or unfree. Insofar as freedom is based on a set of interests that only men—not all men, but few if any women—could access at the time when the theories were written, such as selecting one’s representatives through a limited electoral process, women are thereby excluded. But when conditions change and women can access those interests—for instance, by gaining suffrage—disadvantages to women will not necessarily disappear; hence women’s suffrage has not produced gender equity in public office or in many public policies, such as welfare, abortion, sexual harassment, pay equity, Social Security for homemakers, or child care for working mothers.
52 Few feminists, however, despite repeatedly calling for intersectionality, actually achieve it in their own work, particularly when dealing with the history of canonical political thought. Certainly, in most mainstream political theory that considers canonical work, it is extremely uncommon to find any of these various categories considered at all, much less in tandem with each other, and feminist analysis is a significant improvement in our understanding of the canon. But even those feminist theories tend to treat “women” as an undifferentiated category; although we invoke the importance of race, class, and sexuality in contemporary analysis, as soon as we reach back before the late twentieth century, it seems that once again “all the women are white,”53 not to mention middle-class.
Neither does the argument that freedom is gendered mean that freedom is straightforward, that women or men are either completely free or unfree. Insofar as freedom is based on a set of interests that only men—not all men, but few if any women—could access at the time when the theories were written, such as selecting one’s representatives through a limited electoral process, women are thereby excluded. But when conditions change and women can access those interests—for instance, by gaining suffrage—disadvantages to women will not necessarily disappear; hence women’s suffrage has not produced gender equity in public office or in many public policies, such as welfare, abortion, sexual harassment, pay equity, Social Security for homemakers, or child care for working mothers.
