By Todd A. Eisenstadt
Pitting competition activists' post-electoral conflicts opposed to their utilization of regime-constructed electoral courts, this learn of Mexico's sluggish transition to democracy addresses the puzzle of why its competition events didn't use those self reliant courts. The electoral courts have been validated to mitigate Mexico's usually violent post-electoral disputes at key moments of the country's 27-year democratic transition, and had formal promises of courtroom independence from the occasion of the Institutional Revolution (PRI).
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Extra resources for Courting Democracy in Mexico: Party Strategies and Electoral Institutions
Second, it has featured both “loyal” coalition parties and “antiregime” blackmail potential opposition parties (Sartori 1976, 123–4), a tribute to the success of the PRI’s strategy of dividing the opposition and to the perseverance of the antiregime (at least from 1989–95) PRD and the regime-loyal PAN. Third, it is characterized by great regional variations in levels of electoral competition, administrative efficiency, and social and economic welfare and hence allows for meaningful comparisons within one country.
Systemic oppositions in unconsolidated party systems are placing their bets on regime transition, as the available alternatives are not conducive to the long-term continuance of these opposition parties/movements. In these cases, Machiavellian authoritarians must co-opt some regime opponents and repress the rest in order to deactivate potential challenges, particularly in authoritarian regimes with legitimizing elections (Hermet et al. 1978, Lamounier 1984). , one important party) has been given the “carrot,” it is unlikely that the regime will pay the considerable costs of co-opting another segment of that opposition.
Based on qualitative case studies of local postelectoral bargaining, I develop ideal types of opposition postelectoral mobilizations and describe how these patterns of bargaining between the opposition parties and the PRI-state actually yield different forms of electoral court failure (and postelectoral bargaining success). Chapter 6 outlines the sixty-year evolution of the PAN and its struggle for recognition of electoral victories. I argue that the most significant internal division within the PAN through its first four decades was whether to participate in electoral contests and legitimize the authoritarian incumbents’ claims of political pluralism or abstain at the risk of stalling the party’s development and role in any national opening.