Parties and People: England, 1914-1951 by Ross McKibbin PDF

By Ross McKibbin

The "sequel" to his best-selling sessions and Cultures, Ross McKibbin's newest booklet is a strong reinterpretation of British politics within the first many years of common suffrage. What did it suggest to be a "democratic society?" To what volume did electorate make up their very own minds on politics or let elites to do it for them?Exploring the political tradition of those remarkable years, events and other people indicates that classification turned one of many important determinants of political behaviour, even supposing its impact was once frequently unusually weak.McKibbin argues that the type of democracy that emerged in Britain used to be faraway from inevitable-as a lot ancient coincidence as design-and used to be in lots of methods hugely unsuitable.

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When Henderson originally drafted Labour’s new constitution and persuaded the Party to contest the great majority of constituencies he did so on the assumption that the next parliament would be elected by the alternative vote, which would minimize the likelihood that three-cornered contests would give the German in 1898 in Die Neue Zeit, and then in book form in 1899) was written in England and was significantly influenced by English experience. For a good account of the controversy, see J. Joll, The Second International, 1889–1914 (New York, 1966), 77–105.

For a detailed discussion, see Pugh, Electoral Reform in War and Peace, passim. ⁷⁰ Though the members for the universities were elected on the basis of the single transferable vote. 28 Parties and People the Majority and Minority Reports of the Royal Commission on the Poor Laws had recommended in 1909. We thus find, both by what it did and did not do, that the English political elite had imposed on Great Britain a constitutional–political arrangement markedly biased towards the Conservative Party, franchise legislation weighted towards property and property rights, an upper house weighted even more towards property which retained formidable obstructive powers used wholly in the Conservative interest, and an unrepresentative voting system—first-past-the-post—which favoured entrenched blocs and electoral polarization, both of which worked to the Conservative Party’s advantage.

1930), 8. This sitting is not recorded in the Royal Economic Society’s edition of Keynes’s Collected Writings. Unstable Equilibrium, 1918–1929 43 as divided between ‘winners’ and ‘losers’. ³³ The political consequences of this fragmentation of wealth were very damaging to the coalition. They would have damaged any government in such circumstances but were especially harmful to one whose claim was to hold the ring, to rule in the interests of everyone. Like all the participants, after the First World War, England experienced class tensions hitherto unknown.

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