By Prof. Jennifer A. Steen Ph.D.
Many american citizens have requested this question within the face of skyrocketing crusade spending by means of applicants and events. Then, within the Nineties, got here a wave of rich participants whose deep wallet deciding to buy political places of work around the state. Our worst suspicions have been proven. Or have been they? What impression do self-financers fairly have on electoral results? Jennifer Steen's authoritative empirical research of self-financed applicants is a landmark in American politics. Steen completely disproves the proposal that self-funded applicants can purchase a legislative seat, proving that the majority of self-financers don't win their elections. in its place, her booklet provides us a more true knowing of self-financers' real effect on crusade pageant and rhetoric.
Read Online or Download Self-Financed Candidates in Congressional Elections (Contemporary Political and Social Issues) PDF
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Extra resources for Self-Financed Candidates in Congressional Elections (Contemporary Political and Social Issues)
Sample text
Klekowski von Koppenfels (2014), however, cautions against using the term diaspora to refer to Americans residing abroad: “Americans overseas do not form a diaspora, although it is clear that elements of a diaspora and diasporic identity, are present” (13). As my discussion focuses on voting rights, the concept of transnationalism instead of “expatriate” or “diaspora” is more useful. In migration studies, transnationalism “refers to the engagement of migrants with their home countries, whether in terms of political, socio-economic, or cultural activities” (Klekowski von Koppenfels 2014, 7).
Klekowski von Koppenfels (2014) urges caution when using foreign government statistics as they normally do not include dual citizens, and thus likely produce undercounts (34); “[dual citizens] are usually enumerated on the basis of their second/host country passport” (Klekowski von Koppenfels and Costanzo 2013). Although this is true (as in the German example above), many foreign government registries also provide estimates of dual citizens. Therefore, a complication of these data is not necessarily an undercount, but of individuals who might be counted twice.
Some states waive the residency requirements and allow these citizens to register to vote using the US address of their American parent. 11 However, 20 states still have no provisions granting voting rights to non-domiciled residents, creating de facto disenfranchisement to a group of citizens who were nonetheless required to file US tax returns. Military Voters In contrast to the difficulties encountered while enumerating the number of American overseas civilians, the number of military personnel is easier to document.
