By Florian Schafer
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Extra resources for The Syntax of (Anti-)Causatives: External arguments in the change-of-state contexts (Linguistik Aktuell Linguistics Today, Volume 126)
Sample text
68) a. b. ’ (69) a. b. ’ The same conclusion is reached by a closer look at the aspectual properties of verbs in class A and class B. , that behave as degree achievements. (70) and (73) show that the verbs ‘aufrichten’ (~ to straighten) and ‘verbreiten’ (to spread) are of class A and form marked anticausatives. However, the data in (71) and (72) show that the former is necessarily interpreted as telic while the data in (74) and (75) show that the latter allows both a telic as well as an atelic interpretation.
27) a. ’ b. ’ (28) a. ’ Chapter 1. The morphological patterns of anticausatives and their interpretation b. ’ These data show that the generalization that Folli proposes for the distribution of ‘si ’ in Italian anticausatives is, at best, not a perfect one. We find exceptions in both directions, namely with verbs that are predicted to allow atelic readings which in fact do not have atelic readings and with verbs that are predicted to be strictly telic but which have atelic readings. 5 In order to reach a final conclusion on this topic, further research is necessary; even if the generalization is not perfect but, nevertheless, a quite strong one, this would be an interesting result for which a theory about the distribution of ‘si ’ in anticausatives would have to give an explanation.
B. ’ (24) a. ’ b. La caffettiera è scoppiata the coffee machine is burst ma non è soppiata completamente. ’ Turning to verbs of class A, we can find already in Table 1 above two verbs which are not necessarily telic. Both ‘alterare’ (to alter) and ‘estendere’ (to extend) allow atelic readings in both their transitive and anticausative uses. This can be . ). The syntax of (anti-)causatives concluded from the fact that (i) besides “in X” adverbials “for X” adverbials are acceptable which modify the period of time during which the event is going on, as shown in (25) and (26).
