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Extra info for Lenin’s Electoral Strategy from 1907 to the October Revolution of 1917: The Ballot, the Streets—or Both
Sample text
What the latter called for instead were committees that would “consist of an equal number of representatives of the peasantry and of the landlords, with a representative of the government, as a third party. ” And why could that be? “The village priest will have to return from the most police-ridden Duma into his own village: and however greatly the village has been purged by Stolypin’s punitive expeditions and chronic billeting of the soldiery, there is no return to it for those who have taken the side of the landlords.
The i’s will be dotted by the leaflets”51—Lenin raised the “delicate matter” of the mechanics of coordinating the work of the fraction with the party. It was “delicate” because it involved working with the Menshevik leaders of the party, who weren’t necessary on the same political page with Lenin about how to conduct this work. ”—that is, the Central Organ, Sotsial-Demokrat, of the party rather than the Central Committee. Also, “nothing can be done in the Duma group without well-informed persons from the Bolsheviks.
Of particular relevance here is the claim of “liberals . . ” The whole history of Europe in the second half of the nineteenth century, and the whole history of the Russian revolution in the early twentieth, clearly show how absurd such views are. Economic distinctions are not mitigated but aggravated and intensified under the freedom of “democratic” capitalism. Parliamentarism does not eliminate, but lays bare the innate character even of the most democratic bourgeois republics as organs of class oppression.
