Download PDF by Bernard Grofman: Race and Redistricting in the 1990s

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African-Americans are currently better represented, proportionally, than Hispanics - although Hispanics were better represented than African-Americans in the South prior to 1992. Table 7 indicates that Hispanics were dramatically underrepresented relative to population proportions in 1990. For example, Hispanics comprised over 25 percent of the population in California, but held only 5 percent of the state house seats and less than 8 percent of the state senate seats. In 1992, the percentage of California state house seats occupied by Hispanics increased to 10 percent but the percentage of state senate seats held by Hispanics remained the same (see Table 8).

The election of African-Americans is a collective good in the classic sense: it is non-exclusive (once it is provided to a given district or state no voter can be prevented from “consuming” the symbolic good) and indivisible (one person’s enjoying the representation does not detract from another’s consuming the good). The collective nature of this goal was emphasized by former Rep. Mervyn Dymally (D-CA), “(T)he black power movement is based on a concept of community. Black self-interest focuses not on the ambition of a particular individual, but on the entire black community” (197 1, 50).

The quality of the pool is derived from a four-level measure of quality that is summed across all candidates. Candidates who have held significant elective office receive a four, minor elective and other public office is a three, ambitious amateurs are a two, and regular amateurs are a one. See Canon (1990, 87-92, 165-67) for a more extended discussion of this variable. 44 THEORETICAL AND EMPIRICAL ISSUES An important consequence of this trend is that black voters now have a greater opportunity to elect a “representative of their choice” (even though it may be a second choice, as we discuss more fully below).

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