By Christopher Hill
The years among 1603 and 1714 have been might be the main decisive in English heritage. in this interval glossy English society and a latest kingdom started to take form, and England's place on the earth used to be remodeled. because it used to be first released in 1961 The Century of Revolution has develop into verified as a vintage. It attempts to penetrate lower than the generic occasions to know what occurred' - to boring English women and men in addition to to kings and queens or abstractions like society' and the State'. It proves that the 17th century continues to be sufficiently a part of us this present day, of our methods of considering, our prejudices, and our hopes, to be worthy attempting to comprehend. during this new version Dr. Hill contains crucial conclusions of necessary examine during the last two decades and has extra postscripts drawing awareness to in particular major books.
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Sample text
Such squatters were dependent on the market for basic food, and so had to produce for the market to earn cash. They were the natural workers for new industries, of the type which Mrs Thirsk has identified springing up all over England in the decades before the Civil War: these industries made survival possible for many cottagers in the bleak decades of the early 17th century. But such men had little to fall back on in time of economic crisis except the forests and wastes: hence it was vital for them that such land should not be enclosed in private ownership.
Economic developments were dissolving old bonds of service and obligation’, writes Professor Stone, ‘and creating new relationships economics founded on the operations of the market . . ’17 The spokesman of the propertied class on these economic issues, as on all others, came to be the House of Commons. At first sight it seems surprising that a House in which gentlemen preponderated should be so well informed on commercial matters. But nearly half the MPs in the early 17th century were shareholders in trading companies; and a majority of these MPs acquired their shares after sitting in Parliament.
The Parliamentary franchise is a privilege attached to particular types of property. The ‘liberties of the House of Commons’ were peculiar privileges enjoyed by members, such as immunity from arrest, the right to uncensored discussion, etc. ’ Similarly, when James wrote The Trew Law of Free Monarchies he wished to emphasise that kings, like their propertied subjects, had their rights and privileges. The problem of early seventeenth-century politics was to decide where the king’s rights and privileges ended and those of his free subjects began: the majority of the population did not come into it.
