By James G. Gimpel
Natives who swap place of dwelling don't settle within the comparable locations as immigrants. Separate locations argues that those certain mobility styles, coupled with list degrees of immigration from impoverished 3rd international international locations, are balkanizing the yank voters. James G. Gimpel examines the implications of alternative styles of circulation and payment at the politics of the groups during which those diverse teams settle.Newer immigrants are con-strained through a scarcity of schooling, funds, English literacy, and information--and often by means of discrimination--to stay in parts of coethnic payment. family, native-born migrants--predominantly Caucasian--free of discrimination and owning extra money and data, movement the place they need, usually to groups the place immigrants should not welcome or can't have the funds for to stay. powerful facts means that spatially remoted immigrants are slower to naturalize and get entangled in politics than family migrants. Gimpel appears to be like heavily at states with very diverse styles of migration and immigration: California, Colorado, Kansas, Kentucky, Florida, Pennsylvania, and big apple. In those states, Gimpel indicates the influence of inhabitants mobility on social gathering registration, get together votes, and voter turnout and asks even if inhabitants adjustments have replaced the dominant social gathering in a nation or produced a political response from natives.Separate locations incorporates a variety of thematic maps detailing the payment styles of inner migrants and immigrants for either counties and census tracts. mixing insights from a few social technology disciplines, together with economics, demography, sociology, political technological know-how, and anthropology, this ebook may be of curiosity to a large and numerous readership of students, scholars, and policymakers.James G. Gimpel is affiliate Professor of presidency, college of Maryland.
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Additional info for Separate Destinations: Migration, Immigration, and the Politics of Places
Sample text
Where do these seven ‹t in the overall distribution of all states on variables such as the percentage of migrants from elsewhere and the size of the foreign-born population? S. territories) in 1990. Florida, situated in the right-hand tail of the distribution, is among the few states with the largest proportion of residents from elsewhere, over 55 percent. In the left-hand tail, Pennsylvania and New York have the fewest migrants from other states. Clearly this shows that the deindustrializing Northeast has not been an attractive destination for internal migrants.
The sorting process in migration clusters poor voters of color in high concentrations in inner cities and white middle- and upper-income voters in suburbs. The evidence showing that immigrants and internal migrants do not settle in the same locations is indicative of a new pattern of geographic clustering that may have profound political implications as politicians emerge who represent highly homogeneous, unidimensional constituencies, leading to a breakdown in electoral accountability and the political extremism encouraged by one-sided electoral districts.
New York and Pennsylvania are states with low population gains from internal migration and rather low increases from immigration as well. Even though New York’s immigrant population increased by 35 percent from 1970 to 1990, this rate of increase is dwarfed by all states except Pennsylvania, where the foreign-born population declined by 17 percent over the same period. Finally, Florida and California (bottom right), are high on both dimensions of population growth. California’s immigrant population has increased by 267 percent, and Florida is close behind at 205 percent.
