By Didier Bigo
This edited quantity questions the common hotel to intolerant defense practices through modern liberal regimes on account that September 11, and argues that counter-terrorism is embedded into the very good judgment of the fields of politics and defense. even though fresh debate surrounding civil rights and liberties in post-9/11 Europe has enthusiastic about the kinds, provisions and felony outcomes of security-led guidelines, this quantity takes an inter-disciplinary method of discover how those regulations have come to generate intolerant practices. The e-book argues that rules applied within the identify of safeguard and nationwide defense have had a powerful impression on civil liberties, human rights and social unity - specifically, yet not just, on account that 9-11. The booklet undertakes designated sociological enquiries touching on protection organisations, and analyses public discourses at the definition of the terrorist hazard. In doing so, it goals to teach that the present reframing of civil rights and liberties is partly end result of the the very functioning of either the political and the protection fields, in that it truly is embedded in a large array of family and transnational political, administrative and bureaucratic stakes.
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Additional info for Terror, Insecurity and Liberty: Illiberal Practices of Liberal Regimes after 9 11 (Routledge Studies in Liberty and Security)
Example text
But there is no doubt that the idea of Europeanization has caused relations to deepen beyond the former capabilities of Interpol since the end of the 1970s, with the creation of the Berne and Trevi clubs. The ideas of free movement and border control appeared in full force at the European level in the 1980s. The legal categories of border, sovereignty and policing have been compromised by five main transformations: the distinction between the internal and external borders of the EU; the creation of international airport detention zones to immediately send back foreigners who do not have the right documents to enter into the Schengen area; the attempt to impose the term of ‘economic refugee’ and to redefine who is a refugee, with the ensuing lessening of the admissions granted to people seeking the right to asylum; the use of the term ‘immigrant’ instead of the term ‘foreigner’, with the ensuing inclusion of some nationals within the frame of the suspected foreigners; the relativization of the term ‘foreigner’, as opposed to national, in order to strengthen the distinction between community members and third country nationals as non-members.
The field as a field of forces If the field of (in)security functions as a field of forces exerting their pressures on the agents engaged in it, it is because it combines with a certain homogeneity found in these agents’ bureaucratic interests, their similar ways of defining the potential enemy and of gathering knowledge on this enemy through diverse technologies and routines. 23 To understand the positions and discourses that situate these agents, it is necessary to correlate them with their professional socialization and their positions of authority, in terms of their roles as spokesmen of ‘legitimate’ institutions within the field of (in)security professionals of the management of unease.
The materialization of the borders by law or by professional norms is thus often lagging behind the reality of the 28 D. Bigo borders of a field structured by the struggle and relations of attraction. Materialization of borders legitimates and consecrates a particular moment, at which it was in the interest of all actors to negotiate in the precise way that resulted in this materialization. This temporal gap signifies that it is extremely difficult to empirically trace the borders of the field by examining it solely from the point of view of its institutional characteristics, as they inevitably retrace a moment that is actually anterior to the relations of force that caused that moment to materialize.
