By Bruce E. Cain, Elizabeth R. Gerber
Seventy two tables, thirteen line figures California's adoption of the blanket basic in 1996 awarded a different normal scan at the effect that election principles have on politics. Billed as a degree that may bring up voter participation and finish ideological polarization, Proposition 198 positioned California citizens once more at the frontier of political reform. using numerous info assets and methodologies, the members to balloting on the Political Fault Line practice their wide-ranging services to appreciate how this modification in political associations affected electoral habit and results. This authoritative examine analyzes the results of California's scan with the blanket fundamental, together with the occurrence of, motivations at the back of, and endurance of crossover vote casting; the habit of applicants and donors; the consequences on candidate positions and get together structures; and the results for girls, minorities, and minor-party applicants. released in organization with the Institute of Governmental reviews, collage of California, Berkeley
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Additional info for Voting at the Political Fault Line: California's Experiment with the Blanket Primary (Institute of Governmental Studies)
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Green, Stephen, et al. 1995. California Political Almanac, 1995–1996. 4th ed. Sacramento, CA: California Journal Press. Hichborn, Franklin. 1909. Story of the Session of the California Legislature of 1909. San Francisco: Press of the James H. Barry Company. CROSSOVER VOTING BEFORE THE BLANKET 35 ———. 1922. Story of the Session of the California Legislature of 1921. San Francisco: Press of the James H. Barry Company. Hill, Gladwin. 1959a. ” New York Times, Sunday, January 18, 64. ———. 1959b. ” New York Times, Monday, March 16, 15.
It is also possible to view voters as thinking about institutions instrumentally but not necessarily on narrowly self-interested grounds. In place of a concern for who wins and who loses under various institutional reforms, some voters may have ideological predispositions in favor of certain institutional arrangements that we may distinguish—at least in principle—from self-interested concerns. The overlap between self-interest and ideology is, of course, a strong one. Differentiating between the two effects can be enormously difficult.
S. House and State Senate districts. 10 Finally, because the district populations vary widely, we added the natural logarithm of the total number of primary votes cast as a further control variable. S. House districts. Models 2 and 4 investigate the robustness of the findings by omitting all cases in which there was no crossover vote at all. 3. First, the presence of a crossfiling incumbent greatly increased the amount of crossover voting in all models, by a substantial 15 to 25 percent. In models 1 and 2, races in which an incumbent ran but did not cross-file saw 3 to 8 percentage point declines in crossover voting, presumably because the incumbent drew support in his or her own primary that might otherwise have gone to cross-filers from other parties.
